This book pretty well sums up what is happening and why we are not getting jobs anymore.
While role of kinship in transnational mobility has been established through research (Levitt 2001Levitt, P. 2001. The Transnational Villagers. Berkley: University Of California Press.; Taylor, Singh, and Booth 2007Taylor, S., M. Singh, and D. Booth. 2007. “Migration, Development and Inequality: Eastern Punjabi Transnationalism.” Global Networks 7 (3): 328–347. doi: 10.1111/j.1471-0374.2007.00172.x), migration studies bracket high-skilled migrants as those who make rational economic choices (Ho 2011Ho, E. L. E. 2011. “Migration Trajectories of “Highly Skilled” middling Transnationals: Singaporean Transmigrants in London.” Population, Space and Place17 (1): 116–129. doi: 10.1002/psp.569) and choose formal routes to migrate whereas unskilled migrants often rely on informal channels of kinship or ethnicity to migrate (Vertovec 2002Vertovec, S. 2002. Transnational Networks and Skilled Labour Migration, 1–15. University of Oxford. Transnational Communities Programme., 3). Unsettling this proposition, in this article based on a 15-month multi-sited ethnographic study of the high-skilled Telugu professionals in the U.S.A. and their families living in Coastal Andhra, India, I argue that aspirational and topographical migration pathways from Coastal Andhra to the U.S.A. are created and sustained through interrelated networks of kinship and caste. Such networks become the basis of ‘caste capital’, which works in ways that predisposes some groups over others to achieve spatial and social mobility, thereby reproducing caste privileges on a transnational scale.